The General Strike called by the ten largest central trade unions
CTU’s on Tuesday, September 2 was a tumultuous success. The trade union
and communist leaders who had anticipated a maximum of one hundred
million workers participating in the strike were flabbergasted at the
sight of more than 150 million coming out on a total one-day general
strike that paralyzed India
india-general-strikeCPI General
secretary S Sudhakar Reddy said, “Great success I should say. [The
response] was more than expected. It is one of the biggest actions of
working class and manifestation of their unity against anti-labour
policies of Government". The response of the biggest left party, the CPI
(M), was a bit muted. “The strike was 'successful' despite Centre
trying to 'dissuade' workers from proceeding with the agitation at the
eleventh minute. Apart from dissuading RSS-affiliated Bhartiya Mazdoor
Sangh, they could not succeed in dissuading any other CTU from
proceeding with the strike”, the party said in a statement. Union
leaders claimed that the strike had affected the functioning of
essential services like banking, transport and supply of power, gas and
oil. The CP-affiliated AITUC (All India Trade Union Congress) secretary
Gurudas Dasgupta termed the mobilisation as “magnificent”.
india-general-strike2All those ex-lefts, liberal analysts and the
so-called ‘socialists’ and ‘communists’—those merchants of doom and
gloom — have been refuted not just by the massive turnout of the workers
but by the intensity of the strike. Their analysis and dismissive
cynicism towards the role of the Indian proletariat has been proved
terribly wrong and absurd. A wave of enthusiasm and courage swept across
India on this fateful Tuesday. Even the most right-wing bourgeois
television channels and newspapers had to admit the thumping success of
this day of action by the Indian working class and the youth. In reality
this general strike stunned the anchors of the corporate media and the
analysts of the ‘left' who had virtually written off the Indian
proletariat as a force to reckon with.
India’s most prominent
liberal paper, The Hindu, reported: “Normal life was affected in various
parts of the country, including West Bengal, Tripura, Kerala and
Karnataka, as 10 CTUs today went on day-long nationwide strike to
protest against changes in labour laws and privatisation of PSUs. The
strike affected transport, banking operations and other services in
various parts of the country".
india-general-strike3The media
house that is most representative of the liberal Indian bourgeois, NDTV,
reported: “About 15 crore workers are on a nationwide strike and
essential services like banking and public transport have been hit in
many places… In Kolkata, women activists from the Left were seen being
dragged by the police. Banks, shops, and many schools are closed and all
public transport is off roads. The bandh [closure] has also impacted
southern states. Around 3,500 government-run buses are not running in
Hyderabad [Deccan] and public transport has also been hit in
Thiruvananthapuram in Kerala. Schools and colleges are closed in
Bengaluru. Ten major trade unions have called 'Bharat bandh' over the
government's pro-business initiatives, after talks with Finance Minister
Arun Jaitley broke down. Many banks have shut their doors for the day
all over the country. Long lines of commuters and school children were
seen waiting at bus stops in many cities across the country, including
national capital Delhi, while passengers were stranded at airports as
taxis and rickshaws stayed off the streets.”
Such was the fear
struck in the bourgeois by the strike's success that within hours after
it ended, news of the strike was removed from the television news
bulletins and expunged from the screens of the bourgeois newspaper
websites.
Even the Western media could not conceal the huge
impact of this strike. The BBC reported in the afternoon: “Workers
across India are staging a day-long strike to protest at the economic
policies of the government. They say the 'pro-business' policies of the
Narendra Modi-led BJP government will put their jobs at risk and hurt
ordinary people. The unions are demanding the government drop plans to
sell off stakes in state-run companies and change labour laws. Reports
say some 150 million workers — mainly in banking, manufacturing,
construction and coal mining industries — belonging to 10 major unions
are expected to stay away from work on Wednesday. The strike appears to
have hit public transport, with long queues of commuters and school
children seen at bus stops in many cities, including the capital,
Delhi".
2nd Sep JmuThe unions were demanding that the government
dump plans to sell off stakes in state-run companies. They are also
opposed to the government's proposed labour reforms expected to diminish
the influence of trade unions and make the labour market more
‘flexible’. CTU’s 12-point charter of demands also included urgent
measures to contain price rises and unemployment, strict enforcement of
basic labour laws, withdrawal of the proposed “anti-worker” amendments
in labour laws and stopping the disinvestment and privatisation of PSUs.
They also demanded universal social security cover all workers and a
minimum wage of Rs 15,000 per month. Bank unions were also protesting
against the government’s plan to revamp the working of the public sector
banks. Several outfits representing informal sector workers also
supported the shutdown.
kashmir2Marxist MP Yousaf Tarigami,
member of CC of CPI(M) and elected member of Jammu and Kashmir
Parliament led thousands of people on 2nd of September.However, the most
important aspect of this strike was the molecular pressure that was
building up amongst the workers for a long time. Not very long ago,
under the previous Congress-led coalition government, there was a
similar general strike with the participation of 100 million workers.
When the ‘business friendly’ Hindu chauvinist demagogue Narendra Modi
won a landslide victory in the elections in May last year and came to
power in a BJP government with almost absolute majority in the
parliament, the Indian and world corporate bosses were jubilant. The
Modi regime started off with an array of ‘reforms’ to boost rates of
profits for their clientele. But even with such euphoria of the Hindu
right and the reactionary Indian ruling classes, these got stuck in
their inception. The seething pressure from below was palpable and even
Modi’s regime along with India’s bourgeois opposition parties could
neither ignore nor defy it. Paradoxically there was also a mounting
pressure from the corporate world on Modi and his government to bulldoze
through those ‘reforms’ of cuts, austerity measures and anti-labour
policies. His imperialist bosses scolded Modi for not carrying out these
‘reforms’ fast enough. Less than a week ago, The Economist, Modi’s
ardent supporter, wrote in its August 29 issue, “The prime minister is a
forceful communicator. But he postpones the arduous job of getting
things done… Mr Modi cares more for the theatre of politics than the
hard grind of passing laws or accomplishing reforms through compromise. A
former cabinet minister complains that Mr Modi’s rhetoric is way ahead
of his plans... Investors grumble that promises to simplify tax laws,
cut corporation tax and privatise state firms have come to little.”
kashmirPerhaps after witnessing this massive general strike The
Economist will understand what was actually stopping Modi and of whom he
was afraid. Despite these pressures, Modi has carried out unprecedented
measures to please corporate capitalism. In their first annual budget,
Modi and his finance minister Arun Jaitley slashed an astronomical 25
percent in taxes on corporate incomes. In the meantime, to continue his
socio-economic onslaught against the Indian masses, Modi tried to divert
attention by churning up the religious sectarianism and whipped up
anti-Pakistan chauvinism by his nationalist/Hindutva rhetoric. The
military elite and the Islamic fundamentalists were more than happy with
Modi across the Radcliff line in Pakistan. The venomous hate speeches
of the various groups of the Hindutva from the RSS to VHP [Vishva Hindu
Parishad] relentlessly smeared Muslims and Pakistan. This fed directly
into the vicious religiosity of the monsters of Islamic fundamentalism
whose social base was rapidly eroding. The military skirmishes along the
LoC in Kashmir and the international Indo-Pak borders have been
increasing with rising casualties, strengthening the reactionary forces
on both sides of the divide.
Congress, the main opposition party
in India was not only decimated in the May 2014 elections but it is
difficult to see how their fortunes will recover. Most other bourgeois
parties are regionally limited and are based on caste, creed, ethnic,
linguistic, narrow nationalistic, communal and religious prejudices. The
Communist parties got the highest seats in the 2005 elections. In the
states of Bengal, Tripura and Kerala that were ruled for thirty five
years by this Left Front, comprising of the two main communist parties,
the CPI and the CPI (M), along with other smaller parties, they carried
through policies of neoliberal economics leading to demoralisation and
revulsion amongst their mass support base. The land they distributed in
West Bengal in 1978 was forcibly extorted from the peasants by the same
left government after the 2002 elections. The CPs not only abandoned the
programme of socialist revolution a long, long time ago, but their
neoliberal economic doctrines were not much different from the social
democratic parties of Europe in the last decade, and other bourgeois
parties ruling in different states of India, including the BJP.
This led to their disastrous defeats in the subsequent elections. In
last year’s election these communist party leaders were campaigning for
‘secularism’, ‘democracy’ and Keynesian capitalist economics. While Modi
demagogically called himself a ‘tea vendor’ fighting a Prince born with
a golden spoon, referring to Rahul Ghandi, the leader of Congress. This
rhetoric only worked because the left parties had abandoned class
politics and refused to reject Indian capitalism, which has devastated
the lives of India’s oppressed masses, 860 million of whom live in
absolute poverty in the notorious filthy and crime-infested slums of
India's cities. This led to the historic defeat of the left with the
lowest-ever seats in the parliament. This was the ultimate fate of the
policy of ‘parliamentary cretinism’ adopted by the CP’s leadership.
In the aftermath of the humiliating defeat in the May 2014 elections
most left leaders were in a grim state of hopelessness, cynicism and
demoralisation. Some called Modi’s victory the triumph of fascism.
Others came up with the perspective of a prolonged period of stark
reaction and rejected the possibility of a resurgence class struggle by
the Indian proletariat. Some even defected to the BJP and other
right-wing parties to continue their perks and privileges of being in
government. However, the resounding success of this general strike has
not only refuted their perspectives but has brought forward the
revolutionary potential of the Indian workers and the youth for the
world to see. The trade union leaders had to give way to the rising tide
of workers' revolt from below. They were in a way forced to call this
general strike. Their credibility and leadership was at stake if they
refused to respond to the rising anger of the workers.
However,
even with the success of this strike, the onslaught of neoliberal
capitalism will stop nor the problems and hardships of the workers be
resolved. Negotiations will be protracted and can drag on for months
without any positive outcome. The aim of the ruling classes and its Modi
regime will be to exhaust the workers and damage their fighting
potential and moral. The politicisation of this class struggle is the
burning need at this moment in time. There is ferment in the CPs but its
degree and intensity is not yet clear. Although they have been
decimated in the electoral field no alternative party or tradition of
the working classes has emerged as yet. The conflicts in the leadership,
especially the CPI (M) are now in the open. Unfortunately, these
polemics are not of an ideological or political character but mainly
organisational and personal accusations and criticisms. But a whole new
generation of youth and activists has emerged in the political arena
more than 25 years after the fall of the Berlin wall, the collapse of
the Soviet Union and the capitalist counterrevolution in China. The
older generation of the leadership and activists of the CPs were
demoralised by these colossal historical events. These left leaders and
intellectuals lost faith in ‘socialism’, which was in reality its
caricature — Stalinism — which they naively or opportunistically
followed. This was reflected in their politics of retreats, compromises
and capitulations to capitalism for whole period of time. Several
retreated even further from the Stalinist theory of two stages to one
stage: i.e., bourgeois democracy.
However, the disastrous rule of
capitalism in India is creating immense revulsion towards the system.
As most parties subscribe to capitalism there seems to be an aversion
amongst the masses and the youth to politics and parties in general. Yet
in this turbulent period there will be accidental parties and figures
emerging in this vacuum and the sharp process of a new political
awakening that opens up now. Aravind Kejriwal’s Aam Aadami Party’s
ascent to power in Delhi is just one example. But these will be
temporary and superficial phenomenon and ultimately as the class
struggle surges ahead these will vanish and the impacts of the struggle
on the political consciousness of the youth and the workers will open up
new avenues for the growth and development of the forces of
revolutionary Marxism. However, this will be a protracted process
precisely because of the weakness of the forces of Marxism that will
constitute the subjective factor for a successful revolutionary
transformation. It remains to be seen whether the communist parties can
take the leadership of these new waves of class struggle or whether they
have been doomed by their long-time compromises with capitalism in the
name of democracy, nationalism and secularism. Their refusal to learn
from the mistakes of the past and to adopt a revolutionary path for the
overthrow of capitalism can lead to their political extinction.
But one thing is certain. This general strike signifies a turning point
in the class struggle in the subcontinent. It is a fact of particular
importance that this strike succeeded so triumphantly even when its own
leaders did not expect such a massive participation and support for this
historic landmark. Capitalism as a historically obsolete and
economically redundant system has failed to develop or improve India.
Rather, it has intensified the poverty, misery, disease, ignorance and
deprivation amongst the peoples of India. Even the slightest respite in
the plight of the masses cannot be achieved within the confines of this
dreaded system. But now the processes will accelerate in this epoch of
sharp turns and sudden changes which India has entered. Sooner rather
than later the perspective of a revolutionary change will be put on the
agenda. This strike action has glaringly exhibited the potential of the
Indian proletariat to unite and fight as a class in this vast and
diverse land. A socialist revolution here will not only transform and
emancipate the masses in India but it will lead to the revolutionary
victories throughout the Indian subcontinent, which hosts more than 40
percent of world’s poverty. In India, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka
and Nepal, there cannot be separate alienated revolutions but a wave of
interconnected revolutionary insurrections leading to the creation of a
voluntary socialist federation or a USSR of the South Asian
subcontinent. That would in reality mean the salvation of about one
fourth of the human race. Its impacts on the world stage are
unfathomable!